SMALL TOWN LOST MEMORY

AS THE DAYS ARE FORWARDING, ALONG WITH THAT LIFESTYLE ALSO CATCHING  UP THE SAME LINE. GIVING A HIGHER THINGS TO MEMORIES, MISSING OUT THE  ELDERLY THINGS TO MEMORIES. THOUGH ADVANCED IN THE TECHNOLOGY FOR GRINDER, MIXER. THIS CANT REPLACE THE  SAVOUR OF WOODEN RICE POUNDER. THE JOY OF GATHERING WOMENS IN ONE PLACE, GIVING A PHYSICAL EXERCISE TO SENSTIVe BODIES OF women WITHOUT ANY EXTRA FITNESS pieces of equipment. ALL THESE ARE BULIDT A ALLURING MEMORIES FOR ELDERS WHICH WE REMAINED AS SMALL TOWN-LOST MEMORIES FOR PEER GROUP.

RICE-POUNDER
SMALL-TOWN-LOST-MEMORY

MEMORIES

As we are growing up with urban culture.we are loosing most of our culture related MEMORIES.childhood MEMORIES are very precious when we have in our mind.

the age from the school it hold a lot of echo of friends,neighbour,grandparents houses,religious foods and customes.

living with urban does n’t say that were are away from the hometowns,it always ever hold a beautiful reminiscencein our lives.

Why I Am a Liberal

The stamping out of difference, the quelling of diversity and the burial of argument is, in fact, most un-Indian. Anyone who seeks to end that dialogue process is ignoring Indianness and patriotism. The liberal Indian argues for the rights of the marginalized in the tradition of Gandhi for trust, mutual understanding and bridge-building. Real patriotism lies in old-fashioned ideas of accommodation, friendship and generosity; not in force, muscle flexing and dominance. Why I Am a Liberal is Sagarika Ghose’s impassioned meditation on why India needs to be liberal

Invisible Men

Female-to-male transgender people, or transmasculine people as they are called, are just beginning to form their networks in India. But their struggles are not visible to a gender-normative society that barely notices, much less acknowledges, them. While transwomen have gained recognition through the extraordinary efforts of activists and feminists, the brotherhood, as the transmasculine network often refers to itself, remains imponderable, diminished even within the transgender community. For all intents and purposes, they do not exist. In a country in which parents wish their daughters were sons, they exile the daughters who do become sons.
In this remarkable, intimate book, Nandini Krishnan burrows deep into the prejudices encountered by India’s transmen, the complexities of hormonal transitions and sex reassignment surgery, issues of social and family estrangement, and whether socioeconomic privilege makes a difference. With frank, poignant, often idiosyncratic interviews that braid the personal with the political, the informative with the offhand, she makes a powerful case for inclusivity and a non-binary approach to gender.
Above all, she asks the question: what does manhood really mean?

Hitched

If you’re an Indian woman and old enough to legally bear children, chances are that an overweight relative has asked you, while fondly stroking their pot belly, ‘When am I going to eat at your wedding?’

The modern Indian woman’s attitude to marriage?and especially to arranged marriage?is a confused one. As traditional matchmaking methods and internet chat rooms come together to build matrimonial websites, our parameters have changed, but the time-honoured practice of arranged marriage sticks.

Hitched explores in depth the considerations matrimony should involve, and the issues that can crop up at different stages of an arranged marriage. A cross-section of women?those who married young, married late, married the first man their parents parked before them, or married out of caste in an arranged setup?open up about experiences ranging from the frightening to the hilarious and the awww-inspiring.

The Radical in Ambedkar

This landmark volume, edited and introduced by Anand Teltumbde and Suraj Yengde, establishes B.R. Ambedkar as the most powerful advocate of equality and fraternity in modern India. While the vibrant Dalit movement recognizes Ambedkar as an agent for social change, the intellectual class has celebrated him as the key architect of the Indian Constitution and the political establishment has sought to limit his concerns to the question of reservations. This remarkable volume seeks to unpack the radical in Ambedkar’s legacy by examining his life work from hitherto unexplored perspectives.
Although revered by millions today primarily as a Dalit icon, Ambedkar was a serious scholar of India’s history, society and foreign policy. He was also among the first dedicated human rights lawyers, as well as a journalist and a statesman. Critically evaluating his thought and work, the essays in this book-by Jean Drèze, Partha Chatterjee, Sukhadeo Thorat, Manu Bhagavan, Anupama Rao and other internationally renowned names-discuss Ambedkar’s theory on minority rights, the consequences of the mass conversion of Dalits to Buddhism, Dalit oppression in the context of racism and anti-Semitism, and the value of his thought for Marxism and feminism, among other global concerns.
An extraordinary collection of immense breadth and scholarship that challenges the popular understanding of Ambedkar, The Radical in Ambedkar is essential reading for all those who wish to imagine a new future.

Last Rights

it was around 2004 when the Parsi Anjuman Trust of Valsad denied entry to Dilbar Valvi, a Parsi woman married to a Hindu, during her mother’s last rites at the Tower of Silence. “She was made to sit one kilometre away at a special place assigned for Hindus for her own mother’s last rites. I could not bear it,” says Goolrukh Contractor Gupta, who is a Parsi married to a Hindu.

And so began Goolrukh’s fight, culminating recently in a Supreme Court interim order whereby she and her sister Shiraz Contractor Patodia, also married to a Hindu, will be allowed to attend the last rites of their parents Adi and Dinaz Contractor, both 83, at the Tower of Silence when they die.

However, she insists, it is not her fight alone. “I am fighting for the rights of the women of the entire community,” she says. “Parsi men married to Hindus are not treated in the same way. In fact, even the children of Parsi men who married outside the community are allowed entry into the fire temple if they have undergone the Navroz (thread) ceremony.”

Incidentally, Goolrukh’s father and her maternal uncles controlled the trust at Valsad till 2003 and there were no such objections against Parsi women married outside the community at that time. It was only after a new set of office-bearers took over that this system of exclusion of Parsi women married to men of other faiths began.

For four years, Goolrukh wrote letters to the new members of the trust requesting them to suspend the rule. When she got no response, Goolrukh approached the Gujarat High Court in 2010 with the help of Percy Kavina, a well-known Parsi lawyer in Ahmedabad, who took up the case. Their first plea was rejected in 2012. But Goolrukh did not give up. She decided to take her plea to the highest court of the land and found support from some of the best lawyers in the country, Harish Salve and Indira Jaising among them. Her biggest inspiration, says Goolrukh, is her mother, a lawyer and social worker in Valsad.

A prayer for justice

it was in July 2006 that five women advocates-Bhakti Pasrija Sethi, Prerna Kumari, Sudha Pal, Laxmi Shastri and Alka Sharma-filed a public interest litigation (PIL) in the Supreme Court against the 800-year-old practice of not letting women of ‘menstruating age’ — between 10 and 50 years — enter the Sabarimala temple. What triggered the PIL was the incident in which Kannada actor Jayamala admitted that she had visited the temple in 1987 as a 28-year-old, in response to which a purification ceremony was performed at the temple. According to advocate Bhakti Pasrija Sethi, who at the time of filing the PIL was the secretary-general of the Indian Young Lawyers’ Association, “The incident came as a shock. We all thought the same: when a man visits the temple, it does not get impure, so how does it become impure when a woman visits it? We discussed the incident and felt it was undignified towards women and decided to file the petition.” Sethi, who is currently vice-president of the Women Lawyers’ Association in the Supreme Court, adds, “Devotion can’t be subjected to gender bias. Banning entry of women inside the temple is a form of untouchability and violation of Article 17. If a woman feels she can go and wants to go, why should she be debarred?”

Echoing a similar sentiment, advocate Prerna Kumari, who filed as an independent petitioner, says, “I didn’t have much idea about this tradition being followed at the Sabarimala Temple nor any connection with the women of Kerala at the time of filing the petition. But I took this incident as a case of gender discrimination. And we were representing women at large.” Hailing the Supreme Court verdict that allows women to enter the Sabarimala Temple as a historic judgment, Kumari, now the secretary-general of the Women Lawyers’ Association in the Supreme Court, says, “I felt putting a ban on the entry of women inside the temple was a violation of their constitutional rights and of Articles 14 and 15.”

The case, which first came up for a hearing, in August 2006 had 24 respondents. Both Sethi and Kumari feel that the issue of allowing women to enter the temple is one of religious freedom, gender equality and female autonomy. But at the same time they reiterate that the petition was not filed in order to change religion or to shake up something. “It was a healthy debate, a discussion, not a fight. It was a debate deliberated by the Supreme Court and a number of intervention applications have been filed,” says Sethi. Elaborating further, she says, “A temple can’t become impure by the entry of a person. It is a superstition. God never told anyone that if a woman comes, the temple gets impure. It is more about the dignity of the person and individual dignity is very important. And I stand for dignity.”

The verdict is a clear indication that misgui­ded beliefs, superstitions and notions will no longer hold. The apex court judgment is a step in that direction and a welcome one.

Why you must change your debit and credit cards by December 31

anks are sending messages to every account holder asking them to upgrade their debit and credit cards. You too must have got one such message. But there are chances that you might have ignored the message taking it for a spam. Check the message once again, it is not a spam. This one is a useful message from the bank you have deposited your money with. Now, you need to replace your existing debit and credit cards with new ones, if you have not already done.

But why do you need to take such a pain and replace the debit and credit cards? Legally speaking, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) has directed the banks to do so. The older debit and credit cards will become useless after December 31.

Banks have to follow the directions of the RBI. This directive from the RBI was necessitated in order protect you from some unscrupulous online predator. Your money must be secured with the banks. It is their responsibility. Debit and credit card piracy has been a major issue, as has been found in online banking fraud cases. The new chip-based cards have been prescribed to keep your money and transaction safe.

Foot soldiers of clean India

in 2016, when Tata Trusts chairman Ratan Tata announced a programme for skilled young professionals who would work in rural areas with the government, it was also a first step towards making rural areas free of open defecation. Today, around 500 such professionals, designated as Zilla Swachh Bharat Preraks (ZSBP), have brought change to the lives of six million people in 7,000 villages in 26 states. They hope to end open defecation by 2019. The ZSBPs assist the government in strategic planning that includes preparing district cleanliness programmes, creating time-bound targets in ‘mission mode’, preparing, monitoring and evaluating protocols,and planning large community-wise interventions. They are trained in programmatic delivery, management skills and on-ground best practices. Almost 35 per cent of them are women and 80 per cent are post-graduates. Most encouraging is the fact that the average age of ZSBPs is 25. More than 18,000 profiles were screened and 4,000 candidates interviewed before 475 ZSBPs were hired and placed in more than 400 rural districts in 26 states. Tata Trusts coll­aborated with the drinking water and saniation ministry for the mission.